Defend Iran against imperialist colonial aggression!

by 볼셰비키 posted Jun 10, 2019


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It is translated version of 제국주의 식민침략에 맞서 이란을 방어하자! by a web AI translator. Therefore there may be some unclear expression. Any question should be welcomed.

Defend Iran against imperialist colonial aggression!

Promote the victory of the anti-imperialist liberation struggle to the socialist revolution!


U.S. provocation against Iran and it’s goal

The U.S. imperialism is extremely escalating its provocations against neo-colony Iran. It has already dispatched an aircraft carrier and an anti-aircraft unit to the waters, and reports say it will increase the number of its current troops from 60,000~80,000 to 120,000. On Thursday, it ordered the withdrawal of its officials from Iraq which is close to Iran. An order to withdraw it's own people is to take effect only before the war. On April 22, the U.S. threatened to include countries, which import Iran's oil, in its economic sanctions to block Iran's oil exports. The move was tantamount to a declaration of war, and Iran held out in response, citing a possible blockade of the Strait of Hormuz.

In 2015, the U.S. and Iran signed a "nuclear agreement" including the U.N. permanent members Britain, France, China, Russia and Germany. It was a condition of "easing economic sanctions on Iran and ending its nuclear weapons development," which seemed to ease the age-old conflict between the U.S. and Iran for a while. However, the U.S. unilaterally scrapped the agreement on May 8, 2018. It was an act of audacity, regardless of the criticism and concern of the countries involved in the agreement. The U.S., which has temporarily delayed Iran's nuclear weapons development through a deceptive agreement, has openly expressed its ambitions. The U.S. goal is to replace the Middle East's nationalist Bonapartist regime and establish a government that is a submissive pro-U.S. puppet, as it was before 1979.

The position of working class on U.S. regime change operations.

Our position on the invasion, aimed at regime change in Iran, is almost the same as the situation in Venezuela: ‘Regardless of who leads that resistance, Iran and the world's working class fight for the defeat of the U.S. imperialism and the victory of Iran. But the Iranian people's will to oppose imperialism and to defend Iran can only be maximized in the socialist prospect. At the same time, the people of Iran and the oppressed nations can realize the dream of fundamental liberation from imperialistic barbarism only in the prospect of socialism. In this regard, the working class cannot have any political expectations or illusions on the present Islamic regime, the gatekeeper of capitalism.


Imperialism and the struggle of the Iranian people

Like the rest of the Neo-colonial countries, Iranian capitalism was implanted by the Imperialism. The state apparatus had the pro-imperialist characteristic which defended the exploiting /plundering system of imperialist financial capital. The Pahlavi dynasty, overthrown by the people's uprising in 1979, was a notorious pro-US puppet regime. Pahlavi era Iran was a key tool of US hegemony in the Middle East, even to be called the " Military police of the Middle East". The rotten and despotic power of the dynasty was sustained by US imperialist capital and its military power.

The plundering of oil resources by the imperialist financial capital was the biggest source of discontent and resistance of the Iranian people. Mohammad Mosaddegh, who was appointed as the prime minister by Parliament in 1951, nationalized the oil industry under the enthusiastic support of the Iranian people. The relationship between the West and Iran had been rapidly strained, Britain and the United States imposed economic sanctions on Iran and conspired a coup named "Operation Ajax". On August 15 1953, Under the command of CIA and MI6, The Shah and his generals staged a coup . But coupsters faced the widespread people’s resistance, organized by Mosaddegh’s National Front and Tudeh party(the Iranian Communist Party), and failed. Shah fled to Rome, demonstrators started to demolish the statues of Shah and called for “The end of Monarchy”. On the August 18, while the (anti) coup struggle had been intensifying, Mosaddegh proclaimed martial law and demanded the dissolution of the demonstration. Tudeh party did not resist on Mosaddegh’s measure and disbanded the demonstrators. The next day, Shah's general Fazlollah Zahedi launched a second coup and this time it succeeded. So the Democratically elected Mosaddegh was kicked out and Shah came back .

The aftermath of the coup

The defeat in 1953 was a great disaster for the Iranian working people. The Tudeh party, once supported by an absolute majority of the Iranian working class and had many supporters in the military and among the intellectuals, had been wiped out. Almost all unions were destroyed and illegalized. Most of socialist newspapers and publications were banned and stifling censorship was enforced. The policy of reducing the sharecropping fees implemented by Mosaddegh was scrapped for the landlord class. SAVAK, a secret police agency founded with the help of the United States, infiltrated into factories, universities and social organizations, committing various human rights abuses, including kidnapping, incarceration, torture and murder.

For the victorious U.S. financial capital, from 1953 to 1979 Iran was literally an El Dorado. The top five U.S. oil companies were allocated a 40 percent stake in Iran's oil reserves, which had been monopolized by Britain. When Shah began indulging in high-tech weapons after the oil shock in 1973. U.S. military companies enjoyed their biggest boom since the Vietnam War. U.S. banks made huge interest profits by depositing huge oil revenues from the Iranian government and lending loans to Iran.

1979 Anti-Pahlavi uprising

The role of the pro-imperialist colonial system is to keep the excess exploitation and looting of imperial financial capital safe. As it is a parasitic and dependent regime from the very start, it is exceptionally corrupt and anti-democratic. Excess exploitation and tyranny inevitably produce resistance. Social discontent that had been accumulating exploded in the people's uprising in 1978-79, which overthrew the Pahlavi dynasty.

The victory gave the Iranian people a strong chance to move on to socialism. The Iranian working class was not a spectator in the uprising. The general strike of Iranian key industrial workers, led by the oil industry, has become a decisive lever in the overthrow of the dynasty. Shuras, a national strike committee established in the course of the revolution, was a bud of the worker's Soviet. If there had been a leadership providing revolutionary guidance like Russia in 1917, Iran could have moved on to the socialist revolution following the overthrow of the pro-imperialist dynasty.

The absence of revolutionary leadership and betrayal of the Tudeh party

The absence of the revolutionary leadership had become the obstacle of the Iranian uprising, as it had always been in every anti-imperialist struggle. The Western imperialists were busy trying to confine the revolution in capitalist level (Soft landing operation). In the course of "soft landing" operation, preventing the revolution from developing into socialist one, a stubborn anti-Communist cleric Khomeini had become the center of operation. It was necessary for the Iranian working class to get rid of its illusion on Khomeini and to clearly recognize the fact that he was the enemy of the class. It had to be politically prepared for the forthcoming class rift and struggle. It was a goal that could only be achieved by building a revolutionary vanguard like Russia's Bolsheviks in 1917.

The Stalinist Communist Party ’Tudeh’(people’s party) had considerable support within the working class. But Tudeh party consistently pursed the class-collaboration(the "People's Front") with the capitalists in every decisive moments after the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty. After the overthrow of Pahlavi, a large scale resistance movement against Khomeini, who had been trying to establish an Islamic state, had taken place. The Marxist Fedayeen and Islamic leftist Mujahedin had led the struggle. But Tudeh party was on the side of the Khomeini, who militarily suppressed the movement and organizations. At last Tudeh party had become isolated and wasted the power of the working class due to its illusion and cooperative policies toward the Khomeini regime and finally destroyed in 1983.

The Class-collaboration of the Iranian Lefts

The organizations that played a major role in the left-wing during the 1979 revolution were the Marxist Fedayeen and the Islamic leftist Mujahedin. Both of them had waged years of heroic guerrilla struggles against the Shah and played a leading role in the armed uprising that marked the end of the 1979 revolution, earning widespread support and respect from the population. Both organizations, however, failed to identify the class nature of the Khomeini faction because of their low theoretical abilities. As a result, both organizations viewed Khomeini as a true "anti-imperialist" champion, avoiding the struggle against the Khomeini camp and looked for unity.

The Tudeh party did not play a major role in 1979 because of its little social base and poor reputation in Iran due to the responsibility of the 1953 defeat, the conversion of its leaders and the persistent suppression of Shah. Moreover, the Tudeh Party had a chronic line of class co-operation (people's front), like other Stalinist parties. Based on the line of People's Front that results in joint action with Khomeini and with the help of Soviet halo, the Tudeh party triggered the split of Fedayeen, which was already staggering between class collaboration and intransigent struggle, and won the majority that was pursuing the former.

Khomeini's offensive and the defeat of left-wing

Mujahedin, from 1979 until the end of the parliamentary elections in May 1980, refrained from criticizing Khomeini and responded passively to anti-democratic terrorism of the Khomeini camp. Even when the Khomeini camp carried out terror attacks on themselves, they avoided decisive clashes and refrained from criticizing him. However, when parliamentary elections ended up being rigged and the Cultural Revolution which was aimed at attacking left-wing college students was launched by Khomeini, they only began to fight back. They formed an alliance with President Bani Sadr, who had once been a close aide of Khomeini, to counter the Khomeini faction. But because of this alliance Mujahedin had to limit its demands in liberal slogans.

The Tudeh Party, the Fedayeen majority and the Soviet Union believed that a "class alliance" with the so-called ’anti-imperialist’ Khomeini could be possible. The Tudeh-Fedayeen majority proposed to Mujahedin, who had been escalating conflict with the Khomeini camp, to join the ’Anti-Imperialist Democratic Front’ and reconcile with the Khomeini. Mujahedin, however, rejected it.

On June 20, 1981, Bani Sadr and Mujahedin took to the streets and appealed for the overthrow of Khomeini’s Islamist group. In many cities, many people took to the streets to take part in the protests, at the same time, the bloodbath of the Khomeini faction began. The Tudeh Party and the Fedayeen majority had sided with Khomeini, not with the protesters, and the protests were crushed. As a result, more than 50 people were killed and more than 1,000 were arrested near Teheran University alone. Mujahedin had lost a large number of its members and launched terrorist attacks on Khomeini’s associates and guerrilla struggles against regime. Khomeini immediately retaliated, executing 4,800 people only in announced figures by December of that year. The left-wing labor camp suffered devastating damage as a large number of Mujahedin, Fedayeen minority members, other left-wing organization activists and labor activists were included in that figure. In January 1982, when Iran's Maoist organization, Communist Leauge, revolted in the provincial town of Amol to turn the adverse circumstance, the Tudeh and Fedayeen majority crushed them along with the army.

Meanwhile, left-wing organizations neglected the Shuras, never provided it with political and theoretical guidance, and even cooperated with enemies trying to destroy it. As a result, Shuras had been attacked one by one by Islamists and eventually collapsed or transformed into an Islamic Shura.

The Demise of the Tudeh Party and the Completion of the Islamic Revolution

In 1982, when the left-wing, working-class camp had been severely weakened, Khomeini launched an attack on the no longer-useful Tudeh Party and the Fedayeen majority. In addition, the KGB agent Vladimir Kuzichkin, who was deeply involved in the Tudeh Party, defected to Britain in 1982 and handed over all information about Tudeh to the British Intelligence Service. Britain handed over the information to Khomeini, which led to a massive arrest in February 1983, which led to the arrest of most party members from the leaders to rank-and-file party members. In May 1983, some leaders of the Tudeh party appeared on television, saying that they "confess" people "their espionage for the Soviet Union and their acceptance of the superiority of Islam over communism." Thanks to the confession, they were pardoned. But the rank-and-file members were executed and killed in prison, and the Iranian communist revolution was doomed.

Thus, the anti-Pahlavi, anti-imperialist "revolution," which was erupted in the aspirations of the working people, failed to move toward to the socialist revolution and twisted and gave birth to a deformed child called the Islamic Republic.


The loss of American imperialism

With the absence of the revolutionary leadership and the betrayal of the Tudeh Party, the 1979 Iranian revolution had shriveled, but it was a serious blow to the American imperialism. As well as the world's fourth-largest oil and second-largest gas reserves, Iran is a rich repository of natural resources, including metals and nonmetals. Moreover, Iran was once a key point in expanding and strengthening U.S. imperialist hegemony. But for the U.S. imperialism, Iran is now an eyesore. Iran's support for Assad's government in Syria, which is facing "regime change," is one of the key reasons the United States is struggling in Syria, along with Russia's support. In addition, Iran supports Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthis in Yemen, and insurgents in Iraq and Palestine. Iran, after the overthrow of the a pro-U.S. government, has become a sworn enemy of the U.S. Along with Syria, Libya, Somalia, Lebanon, Venezuela and North Korea, Iran have been placed at the forefront of the list of ‘rogue states’ or regime change.

The reactionary nature of the Islamic regime

Iran’s Islamic regime emerged in the wake of the national liberation struggle of the colonial working class the oppressed people, it is a Bonapartist capitalist government that seeks to block the socialist revolution and compromise with imperialism. It is a tyrannical regime that oppresses the working class and brutally suppresses political freedom. It is a theocratic state that enforces feudal lifestyle to women, as symbolized by hijab coercion. We do not have any political expectation that this Islamic regime could do anything for the interest of the working class. Though it is now slightly hidden in the face of imperialist aggression, but a more fundamental adversary lies between classes. As history shows in the 1970s and '80s, Iran's Islamic regime is engaged in an anti-imperialist struggle today, like Venezuela's Maduro regime, but the very fact that it is the head of the capitalist order will soon erode or interrupt the struggle. That is why Iran's working class must launch an organizational and political armament for the future overthrow of the bourgeois system, along with engaging in a joint military front today.


Convulsion of Imperialism

The U.S. Trump administration, which has been lifted up for several years of economic boom, is engaging in violences around the world, not hiding its imperialistic greed. Despite the eight-year-long "civil war" that devastated Syria and resulted in large numbers of European refugees, the U.S. failed to achieve the desired result. Still, U.S. imperialism is conducting regime change operations in Venezuela, declaring a trade war on China and freezing the dramatic peace mood of the past year, by detaining a North Korean cargo ship. The U.S. is now provoking around the world and destroying humanity. It would be proper to regard this as a late-stage symptom of imperialism, in which one cannot bear his own contradictions and runs around tearing himself apart.


Conditions of victory

Iran and the global working class, like other regions, desperately want the defeat of the U.S., Israel and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East. The victory of the Middle East people Iran, Iraq, Yemen and Palestineagainst imperialism and its puppets will serve as an occasion to boost the morale of the world's working class against imperialism and capitalism and to turn international relationship of force to their advantage. The victory will reopen another socialist outlook for Iran. To realize that prospect, the condition of the Leninist-Trotskyist revolutionary leadership formed by the program of the permanent revolution, which uncompromisingly maintains the principle of ‘class-to-class’ and guides the energy of the anti-imperialist liberation struggle to the socialist revolution, must be met.


20 May, 2019

Bolshevik EA