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This is a translation of 고(故) 박원순 성폭력 고소사건에 대하여 : ‘남녀분리주의 3대 교리’의 비민주성 in 13th Aug 2020


On the Case of the Park Won-soon’s Sexual Violence

: the Undemocratic Nature of the ‘Three Doctrines of Separatism between Men and Women’

 

Park Won-soon, who died on July 9, was a liberal politician on the slightly left side of the capitalist class. As a civil activist, he once resisted the violation of democratic rights such as military dictatorship and oppression of human rights. However, he has never stood against the capitalist system, the source of all social evils.

 

After entering as an establishment politician in the 2010s, he became more compliant. It is typical to withdraw soon after realizing that the position of abolishing the National Security Law, which became famous as a human rights activist, was not welcomed within the system. In that respect, his sudden death is surprising, but it is not something that should be significant for the working class.

 

However, we have a different view from the public, including some left-wing organizations, on the case of "sexual violence/sexual harassment accusations against Park" that seem to have directly triggered the death and are now highly controversial, and we would like to explain it.

 

 

The three doctrines of gender separatism: ‘the theory of sexual violence in the broad sense, victim-centralism, and secondary abuse’

 

As a result of this incident, "the theory of sexual violence in the broad sense, victim-centralism, and secondary abuse" are raging again. This set of doctrines that complement and strengthen each other has been a key principle in supporting the so-called “women's community (Bourgeois Women's Movement),” which promotes “men and women's separatism.” However, these doctrines seriously undermine the democratic rights gained by the people's historical struggles. It violates basic democratic rights such as “the presumption of innocence” and “evidentialism,” which have been won through a long struggle against barbaric and despotic law enforcement. In addition, this rule seriously interferes with the progress of the working class by disturbing it with gender separatism.

 

First of all, the theory of sexual violence in a broad sense subjects sexual violence and excessively expands its scope. According to this, when a woman complains of “displeasure” to a certain male behavior, it is generally defined as sexual violence. Various cases continue, but among them, the so-called “cigarette sexual violence” case in 2012 and the “sexual violence case of Bae Sang-heon, a former teacher, in 2019” are representative. Looking at these cases, even though the cases that he smoked and declared a breakup, or he showed a gender equality-themed film for educational purposes, if the target “appeal” to be unpleasant, it is defined as sexual violence in itself and soon the punishment process proceeds. The defendant’s counterargument is secondary. Not even a chance of explanation is given. This irrational processing procedure has become a so-called “manual,” and has become mainstream, including some self-styled “workers” “leftist” organizations.

 

Another harmful effect of the “Sexual Violence in a broad sense” is that by putting various forms of problematic behavior in the category of “sexual violence” reminiscent of rape, ‘erasing the specificity of the act, not weighing the gravity, and diluting real serious crimes.’ “The act of whistling or teasing unfamiliar sex, unwanted sexual jokes, repeated flirting, unwanted physical contact, hidden cameras, and rape” are all inappropriate acts. But the depth is quite different. Therefore, depending on the specific context and gravity, social responses such as punishment should be different.

 

Second, ‘victim-centralism’ is a doctrine that the claim of the ‘victim complainant’ is crucial in determining whether a particular act is criminal. According to this, the crime is confirmed as soon as a person who complains of being damaged publicizes or accuses the damage. On the other hand, the person identified as the perpetrator becomes a criminal at the moment of ‘appeal or accusation.’ In the process of proceeding with legal procedures, the defendant is at a very disadvantage, such as having to prove himself/herself(not the prosecutor) that he/she did not commit a crime.

 

The phrase “victim's voice is evidence” is a representative expression. On March 1, 2018, JTBC report dealing with actor Oh Dal-soo's alleged “sexual harassment” is frequently cited as it contains the core of ‘victim-centralism.’ In this report, the reporter said, “In fact, in this case, the victim's voice is evidence. Nothing else is proof. On the contrary, even the perpetrator cannot prove that it did not happen.”

 

According to the reporter, as soon as the “voice” is made, the complainant soon becomes the ‘victim’ and the opponent (actor Oh Dal-soo) soon becomes the ‘assilant.’ And it is the jtbc or the reporter's logic that because the alleged perpetrator was “not able to prove that there was no sexual harassment case” more than 20 years ago, then, it is true that the case was real.

 

This "victim-centralism" was recognized again as a framework for looking at the Park's case in 2020. The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family supported "victim-centralism" on July 16, announcing its official position that complainant should be called "victim" rather than "alleged victim."

 

What is dangerous about this 'victim-centralism' is that it should revive the pre-modern ‘guilty presumption,’ the defendant should be responsible for proving whether a crime is committed, not the accuser or the prosecutor, and social punishment is already executed before institutional punishment.

 

The exposure of the victim is amplified through media and SNS that follow the so-called “feminist circle.” It is always linked to the hot public interest of ‘love, sex, adultery, sexual violence,’ and the mass social punishment begins (whether or not you actually did something wrong or not). This ‘social disgrace’ can be harsher than the actual punishment. They lose their jobs, are pointed at as shameless, and social relationships are cut off. The online infamy lasts without limit. Even if the innocence is revealed through a long period of legal procedures or through other processes, it is difficult to make up for the damage already suffered as a member of society. The case of professor Son of Dong-A University in Busan in 2016 and teacher Song of Sangseo Middle School in Jeollabuk-do in 2017 are some of the extreme cases.

 

Third, around this time, the "secondary abuse" appears and operates, completing the three principles of gender separatism in the "feminist circle." In the beginning, it was a concept that emerged to prevent further damage by holding the victim responsible for the crime in the process of investigating the "damage complainant." However, in the present reality, it has evolved to criminalize both the self-defense of the perpetrator and the questioning of the claim of the victim.

 

The memorial of positive comments about the deceased, posted on Facebook and other sites shortly after the Park Won-soon committed suicide on July 9, was defined as a secondary offense due to a lack of "gender sensitivity." And lawyer Kim Jae-ryeon, the representative of the case, claimed at the second press conference on July 16 that “attacking the lawyer is also a secondary offense to the victim.” When Son Hye-won, a former lawmaker of the Open Democratic Party, questioned the news that the victim had tipped off the Park's mobile phone password, “How did you know?” the question was also accused of a second offense. Announcer Park Ji-hee, who asked on a podcast on July 14, “Why has not she(the alleged victim) reported the incident that happened four years ago at the time?” was dismissed from a tbs TV program on July 28 after being accused of a second offense because she "dared" to ask. On July 28, the police who received the second complaint seized and searched four sites and threatened to “severely investigate by applying defamation and criminal contempt.”

 

In this way, criticism and suspicions about the claims of the victim or his representative and those on his side are being silenced. Media companies that should be at the forefront of "freedom of expression" also do not allow other voices against ‘women’ on this ‘sexual violence’ issue. Kang Jin-gu, a reporter for the Kyunghyang Shinmun, posted an article on the online edition on July 29 raising suspicions about the 2018 #MeToo incident of artist Park Jae-dong("Artist Park Jae-dong's 'Do you ask someone to officiate again' under the skirt?"). But the article was deleted in four hours. The reason was that there was a concern about ‘secondary abuse.’ A similar thing happened in the Seoul Shinmun. On August 6, the Seoul Shinmun published an article by Kwak Byung-chan, an editorial writer, saying, “madness is locking #MeToo in ridicule.” The content criticized Kim Jae-ryeon, a lawyer saying, “Silence about those who make remarks on the second offense is also a second offense.” saying the agent's argument was that it seriously infringed on democratic rights, such as witch hunts, emergency measures of dictatorship in 1970s and national security laws. However, the editorial was not published in the online version. It was also in the invincible logic of 'secondary offense'. Kang Jin-gu, a reporter for the Kyunghyang Shinmun, was sent to the personnel committee.

 

The counterargument aganinst non-democratic "the theory of sexual violence in a broad sense, victim centralism, and secondary abuse" is not tolerated by the "feminist community" that exerts organizational influence on the media, police, academia, and SNS. This series of events ensues, and a bleak fear is engulfing the members of this society. Inversely, the voice of the so-called "women's community" who share interests created by gender separatism is becoming a formidable power that does not allow challenges.

 

 

Double Standard: ‘If you love someone it is a romance, but if others do, it is a nasty affair.’

 

However, this strict "three doctrines" do not consistently apply to everyone.

 

On May 7, Lee Yong-soo, a victim of the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, filed charges of embezzlement of donations from Yoon Mi-hyang, former chairman of the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance(KCJR) for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan. However, The KCJR did not acknowledge the ‘damage of old women in Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, including Lee Yong-soo, and his own abuse against it,’ and immediately refuted the "victim."

 

A cadre of The KCJR’s comment, “She is 92 years old and very vulnerable in mind and body,” “A part of her memory is distorted", and the Yun Mi-hyang's statement, citing "disappointment and disappointment when running as a proportional representative of the National Assembly," was to cover up the criminal charges themselves, citing the attitude and psychological status of the accuse. In other words, it was a typical ‘secondary abuse.’

 

When The KCJR opened the door of the attack, backbiting and slander against Lee Yong-soo became more and more brutal. In “senility, dementia, 'fake Japanese military sexual slavery, manipulated puppets behind the scenes, Daegu-like, pro-Japanese grandmother who married the Japanese military spirit, and indigenous Japanese pirates” were mentioned without limitation. In the two days from May 13 to 14, less than a week after the revelation, dozens of organizations, including the Korean Federation of Women's Organizations, the Women's Friendship Association, and the Korean Christian Women Committee, issued conclusive statements. The statements, in words such as “Japan's Abe government and its accompanying pro-Japanese, anti-human rights and anti-peace forces,” “a form of colonial patriarchal legacy” and “all fake facts and claims encouraged and amplified by pro-Japanese group and divisional evils,” decried those who “appeal for damage” and attack The KCJR and Yun Mi-hyang.

 

At the time of the revelation of the 92-year-old women Lee Yong-soo, they raised "background rumors" on the grounds that she had help from her foster daughter in writing a press conference. But the actual press conference was not just a way to read the document. The question and answer was conducted for about an hour with Lee Yong-soo's her own voicey).

 

On the other hand, in the case of the Park Won-soon's complaint, the complainant did not come forward. Most of the revelations and follow-up work, including the press conference, were conducted by lawyer Kim Jae-ryeon, a legal representative. But neither the ‘women’ nor her supporters take issue with it. Conversely, the view of suspecting or criticizing the agent is being condemned as a ‘secondary abuse.’

 

As such, ‘the theory of sexual violence in the broad sense, victim-centralism, and secondary abuse’ were created by a network of individuals and organizations benefiting from gender separatism, so-called ‘feminist circles,’ and show that it is operated only for them. In addition, this doctrine, which is effective in “divide and rule” along with regional sentiment and racism, is covered by the capitalist class.

 

 

Democratic rights and working class

 

As socialists fighting on the front lines of democratic rights, we can never tolerate this separatist doctrine. As we see now, this doctrine seriously violates the democratic rights that the working people have won at numerous sacrifices. Like the National Security Law, this gender separatist rule was used to block the progress of the working class and will be used more widely in the future. Anything, like a witch hunt, would trap or neutralize the working class fighters who challenge the ruling class simply by exposing sex scandals.

 

This anti-labor and undemocratic idea is even accepted or revered as an important principle by left-wing groups advocating “labor, liberation, socialism, and revolution.” We have fought unyieldingly against this. This is because someone must establish guidelines for the working class to move forward with awakening.

 

Our perspective on the case of the Park Won-soon and sexual violence is as follows.

 

First, sexual violence, which is a problem in this case, is also a type of violence. Violence is 1) contrary to the will of the other party and 2) causing physical, mental, or material damage to the other party. Therefore, in order to be violence, 1) and 2) must be identified. In the case of sex, it is especially important whether it was against the other person's will, that is, whether there was an intention to refuse the other person's sexual approach.

 

Second, the relationship between the upper and lower levels does not itself become violence. In fact, considering age, status, rich and poor, race, seniors and juniors, there are few “perfectly equal relationships.” As seen in the 2012 tobacco sexual violence case, ‘feminism’ argues that even the gender of men and women is a power upper and lower relationship.

 

Third, we think the cases revealed at the last few press conferences are insufficient to define themselves as violence. Details and contexts such as “invitation to a secret chat room” indicated by a legal representative and sending text messages or underwear photos after the end of his secretary's job” appear to have not been revealed even a month after the disclosure. We hope that the truth investigation, which the "damage complainant" also claims, will be carried out thoroughly, and the standards of action will be clarified.

 

Fourth, the criteria for action must be clear. It is necessary to know clearly how far it is allowed and why some actions are not allowed. Only then can members of society be free and hold them accountable for their actions. However, if the line as a rule of conduct is drawn arbitrarily or afterhand, freedom of action disappears. Members of society will not be able to see where the lines are drawn, and will live by spending too much attention on the fear of line drawn afterwards, not beforehand. Inversely, the dangerous power of the group in charge of the gold grows excessively.

 

Fifth, unfairness does not occur only by the sexual violence. Innocent victims for false accusation are also constantly coming out. We must be able to fight the violence that prevails in this society without hesitation. At the same time, however, the sacrifices caused by false revelations must also be dealt with. An false accusation is a violence that seriously damages the other person's relationship and social life. It should be treated as a serious crime.

 

 

How to Confront the ‘Gapjil’ Prevalent in Capitalism

 

Abuse of power is prevalent in our society. This is because this society is fundamentally built on the inequality of exploitation-exploitation. "Gapjil(to overuse one’s pwer)," "bullying," and sexual violence are frequent at home, school, work, and the military. Although people with weak physical power, such as children, juniors, the elderly, weak people, and women, sometimes become victims, the real power in capitalist society comes from the difference between the rich and the poor. Thus, the person close to the exploitation side of the food chain becomes the main victim. In particular, migrant workers, non-regular workers, and female workers are likely to be exploited not only by their labor force but also their personality and lose their right to sexual self-determination.

 

As socialists, we design a democratic and equal society and pursue its realization. The highest levels of democracy and equality can be built on the basis of ending class by abolishing private ownership. At the same time, however, it is also at the forefront of the fight against current violence and inequality.

 

Individual independent consciousness and resistance are important in this fight, but that alone has limitations. A joint struggle of the oppressed people is needed. Trade unions, student councils, and military committees, which are the basic unity organizations of the oppressed people, are meaningful means of fighting against unfair violence. In fact, at the site where the labor union is formed, unfair power abuse or sexual violence such as informal speech, abusive language, and violence by the boss is significantly lowered. Furthermore, the unity organizations will break down the foundation of capitalist power abuse by raising socialization such as babysitting, childcare, education, medical care, and elderly support. In order to defeat disturbances such as workerism and feminism and to effectively develop the struggle, it is essential to build a working class party armed with Lenin and Trotsky's political program.

 

 

August 13th, 2020

 

Bolshevik Group


고(故) 박원순 성폭력 고소사건에 대하여 : ‘남녀분리주의 3대 교리’의 비민주성

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